“Which Spice Girl are you?” might have been the ultimate Cosmo quiz and preteen sleepover debate of the late nineties; many a girl was certainly dismayed to find out that they weren’t the Spice they thought they were. As Lemish (2003) tells us, each of the five Spice Girls clearly represented a potential personality type, and a specific version of femininity that was closely tied to this personality. To wit:
According to Lemish, all of these versions of femininity are presented as possible modes for a general understanding of femininity, with identifying behaviours, appearances, and even facial expressions. The five Spice Girls “clearly mark individual diversity and variability of styles pertaining to the more general conception of femininity…offer[ing] a freedom to choose from a series of appearance identities, which together constitute a fragmented definition of womanhood”. In essence, the Spice Girls do not represent their own unique personalities, but rather act as distilled versions of possible options for womanhood. Furthermore, as Driscoll (1999) tells us, it is clear that for the Spice Girls, feminism is “compatible with many traditional roles for girls” found in the patriarchy (namely, those roles each band member occupies), but whether this is a deliberate subversion or an unconscious complicity is not apparent. Regardless, the message being promoted to women seems to be that it is possible to be a feminist while operating within the patriarchy. While this position is frequently challenged by those who have a more nuanced understanding of feminist ideology, it is a good starting point for those people (especially younger girls and women) who are just becoming familiar with feminist concepts.
On the other hand, as far as modes go, there is no option for not fitting into one of these modes, nor is there an option for having characteristics from multiple modes. Once you adopt a mode, it is nearly impossible to change it; in Spice World, when the girls pretend to be each other during a photo shoot, they are all visibly uncomfortable with trying to mimic each other’s attitudes and personalities. This appears to be in direct opposition to the “you can be whoever you want to be, whenever you want to be” narrative they sell their fans, rather problematizing girl power feminism as a whole. From this, it is clear that despite the overall positive message being one of positivity, individuality, and independence, the Spice Girls version of feminism is much more complicated – and potentially less revolutionary – than we have been sold.
Their personalities are exaggerated, but this lack of nuance works in their favour, making it very clear which band member is possessed of particular traits and characteristics; this in turn makes it easier for fans to decide which girl they most closely identify with. Crucially, this ease of identification helps further the narrative that all Spice Girls fans are not just fans, but Spice Girls in their own right. The Spice Girls are both ordinary (just like their fans) and extraordinary (people their fans should aspire to be like); the ordinariness especially is crucial for developing the conceptual link between the group and their fans, the majority of whom are certainly ordinary young women (Brabazon & Evans). The Spices worked very hard to maintain the ordinariness aspect of their image, both in their interactions with fans (an oft-cited example, the introduction to the One Hour of Girl Power documentary, has Mel B. inviting fans to “put the kettle on, make yourself comfy” while viewing) and in how they portray themselves in general. Mel C and Mel B in particular were frequently coded of being of average—even lower—social standing, in opposition to Victoria Beckham’s middle class (which, translated to American social structure, is actually upper class.) Emma and Victoria spoke frequently of missing their mothers, going home to visit frequently, while Geri spoke openly about working as a maid and even posing topless for money in her pre-Spice life (Milnes, 1998). This all speaks to the idea put forward by the Spice Girls that ordinary women can – with enough dedication and hard work – become extraordinary. Success is something that can be worked for, not born into.
Sexuality is another way that the Spice personas are differentiated and used to express their feminist ideologies. Rather than hiding their sexuality or setting up a virgin-whore dichotomy, the girls were all very open about their sexuality; as Lemish (2003) suggests, “the context of sexual exhibitions—their boundless energy, girl-like mannerisms, playful defiance of authority, outspokenness—all suggest sexuality as part of an independent self at peace with itself.” According to Lemish, this display of “sexiness” was a means for providing girls and young women with an alternative version of what women’s sex lives could look like. Although this could result in the girls being framed as “sluts” or whores, the fact that they are open about their sexual energies results in a measure of control over how their sexuality was depicted and framed by those on the outside, especially journalists and, importantly, fans. This open display of sexuality could be –and often was—coded as being anti-feminist or playing to the male gaze; it presents the the “mixed message” that “’if you’re with my sexiness, you’re with my politics”, whether or not this is actually the case (Driscoll, 1999). Although this is certainly a fair criticism, the open, confident display also works as a subversion of this ideal.Furthermore, as Schilt (2003) tells us, “even the Spice Girls have something to say about sex. Their song, “Wannabe,” details the rules for prospective lovers. One rule, “If you want my future/forget my past,” shows women could have sexual histories, like men, and not be ashamed of it. Though these lyrics aren’t as explicit as, say, “I Like Fucking” by Bikini Kill, it is a big step for American women, who rarely hear female desire being expressed on the radio”. Given that the girls are frequently figured as “acting in the place of all girls” (Driscoll), when they do things like openly express their sexual appetites, they are opening up the potential for other women to do the same. As silly as saying “I really really really wanna zig-a-zig-ah” is, the sentiment behind it is what’s important.
- Baby Spice (Emma Bunton): the youngest member of the band. Girlish, sweet, and innocent; loves her mum and her stuffed animal collection. Sexualized as virginal and docile.
- Sporty Spice (Mel C.): athletic and energetic, the “tomboy” of the group.
- Scary Spice (Mel B.): “wild” and “crazy” (which may have been synonymous for “black”). Loud and always prepared for a good time. Frequently dressed in animal print.
- Posh Spice (Victoria Beckham): more withdrawn and shy than the others, so frequently cast as “stuck up” or an “ice princess”. Firmly a member of the British middle class.
- Ginger Spice, formerly “Sexy Spice” (Geri Halliwell): fiery, sexually liberated, and outspoken; was the oldest member of the group and the one who worked hardest to promote their feminist image.
According to Lemish, all of these versions of femininity are presented as possible modes for a general understanding of femininity, with identifying behaviours, appearances, and even facial expressions. The five Spice Girls “clearly mark individual diversity and variability of styles pertaining to the more general conception of femininity…offer[ing] a freedom to choose from a series of appearance identities, which together constitute a fragmented definition of womanhood”. In essence, the Spice Girls do not represent their own unique personalities, but rather act as distilled versions of possible options for womanhood. Furthermore, as Driscoll (1999) tells us, it is clear that for the Spice Girls, feminism is “compatible with many traditional roles for girls” found in the patriarchy (namely, those roles each band member occupies), but whether this is a deliberate subversion or an unconscious complicity is not apparent. Regardless, the message being promoted to women seems to be that it is possible to be a feminist while operating within the patriarchy. While this position is frequently challenged by those who have a more nuanced understanding of feminist ideology, it is a good starting point for those people (especially younger girls and women) who are just becoming familiar with feminist concepts.
On the other hand, as far as modes go, there is no option for not fitting into one of these modes, nor is there an option for having characteristics from multiple modes. Once you adopt a mode, it is nearly impossible to change it; in Spice World, when the girls pretend to be each other during a photo shoot, they are all visibly uncomfortable with trying to mimic each other’s attitudes and personalities. This appears to be in direct opposition to the “you can be whoever you want to be, whenever you want to be” narrative they sell their fans, rather problematizing girl power feminism as a whole. From this, it is clear that despite the overall positive message being one of positivity, individuality, and independence, the Spice Girls version of feminism is much more complicated – and potentially less revolutionary – than we have been sold.
Their personalities are exaggerated, but this lack of nuance works in their favour, making it very clear which band member is possessed of particular traits and characteristics; this in turn makes it easier for fans to decide which girl they most closely identify with. Crucially, this ease of identification helps further the narrative that all Spice Girls fans are not just fans, but Spice Girls in their own right. The Spice Girls are both ordinary (just like their fans) and extraordinary (people their fans should aspire to be like); the ordinariness especially is crucial for developing the conceptual link between the group and their fans, the majority of whom are certainly ordinary young women (Brabazon & Evans). The Spices worked very hard to maintain the ordinariness aspect of their image, both in their interactions with fans (an oft-cited example, the introduction to the One Hour of Girl Power documentary, has Mel B. inviting fans to “put the kettle on, make yourself comfy” while viewing) and in how they portray themselves in general. Mel C and Mel B in particular were frequently coded of being of average—even lower—social standing, in opposition to Victoria Beckham’s middle class (which, translated to American social structure, is actually upper class.) Emma and Victoria spoke frequently of missing their mothers, going home to visit frequently, while Geri spoke openly about working as a maid and even posing topless for money in her pre-Spice life (Milnes, 1998). This all speaks to the idea put forward by the Spice Girls that ordinary women can – with enough dedication and hard work – become extraordinary. Success is something that can be worked for, not born into.
Sexuality is another way that the Spice personas are differentiated and used to express their feminist ideologies. Rather than hiding their sexuality or setting up a virgin-whore dichotomy, the girls were all very open about their sexuality; as Lemish (2003) suggests, “the context of sexual exhibitions—their boundless energy, girl-like mannerisms, playful defiance of authority, outspokenness—all suggest sexuality as part of an independent self at peace with itself.” According to Lemish, this display of “sexiness” was a means for providing girls and young women with an alternative version of what women’s sex lives could look like. Although this could result in the girls being framed as “sluts” or whores, the fact that they are open about their sexual energies results in a measure of control over how their sexuality was depicted and framed by those on the outside, especially journalists and, importantly, fans. This open display of sexuality could be –and often was—coded as being anti-feminist or playing to the male gaze; it presents the the “mixed message” that “’if you’re with my sexiness, you’re with my politics”, whether or not this is actually the case (Driscoll, 1999). Although this is certainly a fair criticism, the open, confident display also works as a subversion of this ideal.Furthermore, as Schilt (2003) tells us, “even the Spice Girls have something to say about sex. Their song, “Wannabe,” details the rules for prospective lovers. One rule, “If you want my future/forget my past,” shows women could have sexual histories, like men, and not be ashamed of it. Though these lyrics aren’t as explicit as, say, “I Like Fucking” by Bikini Kill, it is a big step for American women, who rarely hear female desire being expressed on the radio”. Given that the girls are frequently figured as “acting in the place of all girls” (Driscoll), when they do things like openly express their sexual appetites, they are opening up the potential for other women to do the same. As silly as saying “I really really really wanna zig-a-zig-ah” is, the sentiment behind it is what’s important.